The Social Creation of a Disaster -the case of Haiti.
Credit: AP
U.S. Customs and Border
Protection mounted officers attempt to contain migrants crossing the Rio Grande
from Ciudad Acuña, Mexico, into Del Rio, Texas, Sunday, September 19, 2021.
Thousands of Haitian migrants have been arriving in Del Rio, Texas, as authorities
attempt to close the border to stop the flow of migrants. (AP Photo/Felix
Marquez)
Source: Teen
living in human stash house says parents hid immigrants out of 'need' |
cbs19.tv
In a scene reminiscent of the infamous Stanford Prison Experiment,
Haitian migrants were run down by U.S. border guards for just trying to seek
asylum. But this tragedy did not start here, nor is it confined to the
Haitians. This particularly militarized zone along our southern border and
these Black people have long been part of our tortured racial story. A story
that begins in European imperialism runs through slavocracy, matures during
deliberate and strategic periods of disinvestment, disempowerment, and denial,
and finally jettisons into our complicated, racialized universe. Tracing that story
helps us to understand how we got here, how other racialized stories were
constructed, and how we might get to the point of merely blaming or commiserating
with the victims, but confronting, repairing the damage, and remedying the
problems.
Our journey starts in a racially fragmented settlement in
what was known as Hispaniola. Here, in 1789 on the eve of the French
Revolution, some 500,000 enslaved Africans and 24,000 affranchis (free mulattoes)
banded together and began challenging the continual brutality of slave owners. The
first real challenge occurred in late 1790 as an uprising was precipitated by Vincent
Ogé. Although the rebellion was unsuccessful, Ogé captured, tortured, and
ultimately executed; the French government attempted to split the opposition by
granting citizenship to the wealthier affranchise. However, the acts of
appeasement were disregarded as most of the European within Haiti's population violated
the law. Continual acts of violence targeting the slaves and mulattos led to a
more serious confrontation led by Toussaint Louverture in the late 1790s. Louverture
was successful in January 1801 as he conquered Santa Domingo and declared
himself "governor-general for life." In 1802, Napoléon Bonaparte, to
restore order, sent his brother-in-law, Gen. Charles Leclerc, and 23,000
seasoned French troops. They were able to overpower the rebel leaders, placing Louverture
and several of his lieutenants in prison. Although a truce was declared, no
conditions were honored as Louverture languished and died in prison. Several of
Toussaint's lieutenants, such as Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Henry Christopher,
took up arms again. Seeing the writing on the walls, Napoleon quickly sought an
escape route. He found one in the Louisiana Purchase in May 1803 and formally
withdrew from North America. In three weeks, France and Britain fought to gain
control over Haiti. Taking advantage of this conflict, Haitian rebels, under
the leadership of Dessalines, defeated the French. On January 1, 1804, the
island was declared independent. Ironically, most European powers, including the
United States, fearing slave revolts, ostracized the newly liberated Haiti.
Jefferson, who espoused the tenants of the French
Revolution, was nevertheless a Virginia slaveholder. Jefferson feared the revolt
of slaves would spread to the United States. He, therefore, actually provided
federal aid to help suppress the rebellion. Even Federalist rivals, such as
Alexander Hamilton, supported Jefferson's Haitian policy. The most immediate response
was the formal silence of the United States. Responding to the fear and
pressure of Southern slave-holding states, the United States government refused
to recognize Haitian independence. Ironically, it was not until 1852, with the civil
war, was Haitian independence finally realized. (Blackburn 2006) Over the
decades and centuries to follow, Haiti would be ignored, occupied, marginalized,
and ostracized to this present day. As a result, Haiti is the poorest Nation in
our hemisphere. The same policies, practices, and intentional strategies that
created such a nation, would be duplicated, refined, and reinvented as our
Nation discovered Jim Crow, redlining, the cradle-to-prison pipeline, and the
resulting ghettos.
Bibliography
Blackburn, Robin. 21006. Haiti, Slavery, and the Age of the
Democratic Revolution. The William and Mary Quarterly Third Series, Vol. 63,
No. 4 (Oct., pp. 643-674 (32 pages). Accessed on November 2, 2022, at URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4491574.
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